Ellen Craft, born into slavery in Clinton, Georgia in 1826, became famous for her daring escape from slavery along with her husband William. They lectured widely on their experiences, living in England for two decades, where their book Running a Thousand Miles to Freedom was published.
Ellen Craft, the daughter of slave Maria Smith and Maria's master James Smith, was light-skinned. For their escape, Ellen and William took advantage of this fact by disguising Ellen as a white slave master traveling with his slave from Macon, Georgia to Philadelphia. She donned men's clothing hid her hair. Because she was illiterate and expected to be asked to sign documents during their trip, she feigned a broken arm. They began their journey on December 21, 1848 and arrived in Philadelphia on Christmas morning and soon traveled to Boston.
The Crafts lives were dramatically altered by their escape. They were able to have their marriage legally recognized. And they regularly spoke before large sympathetic audiences of abolitionists. However, their escape was headline news in the North and their master, aided by laws passed in the 1850s which outlawed assisting the escape of slaves. The Crafts fled to England via Nova Scotia.
In England, they continued lecturing on their experiences. Their story was told in their 1860 book Running a Thousand Miles to Freedom. They seem to have pursued education, attending the Ockham School in Surrey, and they had five children.
The Fifteenth Amendment was ratified on March 30, 1870. The Crafts decided to return to the US where, aided by philanthropists, they settled on a farm of 1800 acres. They even established a school for the education of freedmen. Unfortunately, harassment by the KKK and falling cotton prices so the eventual failure of both their farm and their school. They moved in with their daughter Ellen in Charleston, South Carolina in 1890 where both soon passed away.
Works Referenced:
"Ellen Craft: Celebrated Runaway Slave." BLACFAX 11.43 (2003): 16. MasterFILE Premier. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Sunday, November 28, 2010
Journal #7: Varina Howell Davis
Joan E. Cashin's The First Lady of the Confederacy: Varina Davis's Civil War, published in 2006, is "the first professional biography of Varina Howell Davis." A theme of the book (or at least Whites' review of it) is Davis's uneasiness or even opposition to her husband's political positions.
Varina married Jefferson Davis in 1845. He came from a wealthier planter family and was about twice her age. during the 1840s and 1850s she lived a comfortable life in in the capitol entertaining guests and discussing books with other educated women. Her life was obviously transformed by the decision of men like her husband to secede and initiate the Civil War.
What was most striking about Varina Davis was her apparent opposition to her husband's politics. For White, "what this close study of Davis reveals is the role that gender could play in containing dissent." She continued correspondence with family living in the north even after such correspondence was made illegal. And, opposed to secession, she visited the Richmond Hospital to nurse Union prisoners. Davis and her husband did not discuss politics, and what is known is drawn from what were sporadic expressions of opinion.
With her husband's death in 1889 Davis moved to New York and became a writer for the Pulitzer newspapers. In 1906 she acknowledge publicly that she was glad the Union defeated the Confederacy.
Works Referenced:
Whites, LeeAnn. "The First Lady of the Confederacy: Varina Davis's Civil War." American Historical Review 112.5 (2007): 1541. MasterFILE Premier. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Varina married Jefferson Davis in 1845. He came from a wealthier planter family and was about twice her age. during the 1840s and 1850s she lived a comfortable life in in the capitol entertaining guests and discussing books with other educated women. Her life was obviously transformed by the decision of men like her husband to secede and initiate the Civil War.
What was most striking about Varina Davis was her apparent opposition to her husband's politics. For White, "what this close study of Davis reveals is the role that gender could play in containing dissent." She continued correspondence with family living in the north even after such correspondence was made illegal. And, opposed to secession, she visited the Richmond Hospital to nurse Union prisoners. Davis and her husband did not discuss politics, and what is known is drawn from what were sporadic expressions of opinion.
With her husband's death in 1889 Davis moved to New York and became a writer for the Pulitzer newspapers. In 1906 she acknowledge publicly that she was glad the Union defeated the Confederacy.
Works Referenced:
Whites, LeeAnn. "The First Lady of the Confederacy: Varina Davis's Civil War." American Historical Review 112.5 (2007): 1541. MasterFILE Premier. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Journal #6: Alice Fletcher & Ruth Benedict
In 1989 two biographies were published about female anthropologists, each by a feminist author: A Stranger in Her Native Land: Alice Fletcher and the American Indians by Joan Mark and Ruth Benedict: Stranger in This Land. They were both reviewed in the New York Times Book Review by Mary Beth Norton. The subjects of the biographies each led lives that did not fit harmoniously within mainstream culture. Despite their many similarities, their experiences also included many important differences.
Alice Fletcher was born in 1838, and shortly thereafter her father died. Apparently abused by a stepfather, Fletcher's household as an adult was "asexual." She lived with an "informally adopted" Native American with whom she carried on a somewhat mysterious relationship, and a writer/photographer named E. Jane Gay.
Fletcher worked as an allotment agent for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, assigning individual landholdings to Native Americans who resented having to abandon their traditions of communal property. In 1890, a woman named Mary Copley Thaw donated funding to the Peabody Museum to be used by Fletcher to study Native Americans. Fletcher, in time which provided her with "no female role models" and "no feminist theorists to guide her," became "one of the first people to do field work i the modern sense of the term." This renders it all the more significant that she demonstrated an interest in the role of women in both her own society and in that of Native Americans. F. W. Putnam, the male curator of the Peabody Museum, lent credibility to Fletcher's endeavors by virtue of his support for her work.
Ruth Benedict was born in 1887, and like Fletcher her father died when she was an infant. Like Fletcher, her domestic life was unconventional: she carried on a love affair with famed anthropologist Margaret Mead. And like Fletcher her career was lent critical support by a prestigious male. In Benedict's case, Franz Boas at Columbia University advocated for her to be made a regular faculty, which she finally was in 1931.
However, Alice Fletcher and Ruth Benedict lived in different eras. Benedict attended Vassar University, where she encountered impressive female professors. She ultimately received her doctorate. Benedict was familiar with feminist thinkers such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Olive Schreiner, and her work was overtly feminist. Her example as an accomplished female professional teaching at Columbia may help explain why Columbia produced far more female Ph.D.'s in anthropology than either Harvard or the University of California at Berkeley.
Works Referenced:
MARY BETH, NORTON. "ALIENS IN THE TRIBE." New York Times Book Review (1989): 20. Academic Search Elite. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Alice Fletcher was born in 1838, and shortly thereafter her father died. Apparently abused by a stepfather, Fletcher's household as an adult was "asexual." She lived with an "informally adopted" Native American with whom she carried on a somewhat mysterious relationship, and a writer/photographer named E. Jane Gay.
Fletcher worked as an allotment agent for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, assigning individual landholdings to Native Americans who resented having to abandon their traditions of communal property. In 1890, a woman named Mary Copley Thaw donated funding to the Peabody Museum to be used by Fletcher to study Native Americans. Fletcher, in time which provided her with "no female role models" and "no feminist theorists to guide her," became "one of the first people to do field work i the modern sense of the term." This renders it all the more significant that she demonstrated an interest in the role of women in both her own society and in that of Native Americans. F. W. Putnam, the male curator of the Peabody Museum, lent credibility to Fletcher's endeavors by virtue of his support for her work.
Ruth Benedict was born in 1887, and like Fletcher her father died when she was an infant. Like Fletcher, her domestic life was unconventional: she carried on a love affair with famed anthropologist Margaret Mead. And like Fletcher her career was lent critical support by a prestigious male. In Benedict's case, Franz Boas at Columbia University advocated for her to be made a regular faculty, which she finally was in 1931.
However, Alice Fletcher and Ruth Benedict lived in different eras. Benedict attended Vassar University, where she encountered impressive female professors. She ultimately received her doctorate. Benedict was familiar with feminist thinkers such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Olive Schreiner, and her work was overtly feminist. Her example as an accomplished female professional teaching at Columbia may help explain why Columbia produced far more female Ph.D.'s in anthropology than either Harvard or the University of California at Berkeley.
Works Referenced:
MARY BETH, NORTON. "ALIENS IN THE TRIBE." New York Times Book Review (1989): 20. Academic Search Elite. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Journal #5: Helen Jackson
Helen Jackson is known for having called attention to the plight of Native Americans at a time when few Americans seem to have been interested, through her two books, A Century of Dishonor and Ramona; and through a report for the United States government commissioned by the Bureau of Indian Affairs entitled "The Report on the Conditions and Needs of the Mission Indians."
Jackson was born in Amherst, Massachusetts in 1830. Her earliest writing was poetry, which seems to have been apolitical. Friend and neighbor of Emily Dickinson, her poetry was widely published, appearing in such publications as The Nation, Atlantic Monthly, and New York Evening Post. Her poetry was inspired by the tragic events of her life between 1854 and 1865: her first son died in 1854; her husband died in 1863; and her second son, last of her only two children, died in 1865.
Depressed, in 1873 she traveled to Colorado hoping to find comfort in hot mineral water baths. Here she met William Jackson whom she married in 1875. She also regularly visited local Native American settlements, though it is not clear what affect this had on her at the time.
The crucial event in the development of Helen Jackson's awareness and empathy for the plight of Native Americans was her attendance of an 1879 lecture by Ponca Chief Sitting Bear in Boston. Jackson was deeply moved and decided to dedicate herself to addressing the injustices inflicted on Native Americans.
After three months at New York City's Astor Library Jackson completed her first book, A Century of Dishonor, published in 1881. It documented the United States government's brutal treatment of Native Americans, including forced removals and treaty violations. Her views made her unpopular and her husband attempted forbid her from visiting Native Americans settlements, recommending instead that she remain home and author children's stories. Instead, she traveled to Congress and distributed a copy of her book to each representative and Senator.
While in Washington she was asked by Scribner's to travel to the old Spanish missions of California to investigate the conditions of Native Americans. She was then asked by President Chester Arthur to author a report for the Bureau of Indian Affairs on the conditions of Native Americans in southern California.
Jackson arrived in California in December of 1882. Her experiences on reinforced her indignation. Her presumably indignant report, "The Report on the Conditions and Needs of the Mission Indians," completed in July 1883, does not seem to have been widely acknowledge at the time. Her second book, Ramona, however, was extensively read and succeeded in inspiring sympathy among its readers for the dire situation confronted by Native Americans.
Before her death in 1885 Jackson composed a letter to president Grover Cleveland in which she thanked him for the actions he had taken to ameliorate the injustices faced by Native Americans, and in which she stated, "My heart and soul are in Ramona."
Works Referenced:
Evans, Rosemary. "Helen Hunt Jackson's Sympathetic Attitude Toward Indians was Reflected in Her Popular Ramona." Wild West 12.1 (1999): 18. MasterFILE Premier. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Jackson was born in Amherst, Massachusetts in 1830. Her earliest writing was poetry, which seems to have been apolitical. Friend and neighbor of Emily Dickinson, her poetry was widely published, appearing in such publications as The Nation, Atlantic Monthly, and New York Evening Post. Her poetry was inspired by the tragic events of her life between 1854 and 1865: her first son died in 1854; her husband died in 1863; and her second son, last of her only two children, died in 1865.
Depressed, in 1873 she traveled to Colorado hoping to find comfort in hot mineral water baths. Here she met William Jackson whom she married in 1875. She also regularly visited local Native American settlements, though it is not clear what affect this had on her at the time.
The crucial event in the development of Helen Jackson's awareness and empathy for the plight of Native Americans was her attendance of an 1879 lecture by Ponca Chief Sitting Bear in Boston. Jackson was deeply moved and decided to dedicate herself to addressing the injustices inflicted on Native Americans.
After three months at New York City's Astor Library Jackson completed her first book, A Century of Dishonor, published in 1881. It documented the United States government's brutal treatment of Native Americans, including forced removals and treaty violations. Her views made her unpopular and her husband attempted forbid her from visiting Native Americans settlements, recommending instead that she remain home and author children's stories. Instead, she traveled to Congress and distributed a copy of her book to each representative and Senator.
While in Washington she was asked by Scribner's to travel to the old Spanish missions of California to investigate the conditions of Native Americans. She was then asked by President Chester Arthur to author a report for the Bureau of Indian Affairs on the conditions of Native Americans in southern California.
Jackson arrived in California in December of 1882. Her experiences on reinforced her indignation. Her presumably indignant report, "The Report on the Conditions and Needs of the Mission Indians," completed in July 1883, does not seem to have been widely acknowledge at the time. Her second book, Ramona, however, was extensively read and succeeded in inspiring sympathy among its readers for the dire situation confronted by Native Americans.
Before her death in 1885 Jackson composed a letter to president Grover Cleveland in which she thanked him for the actions he had taken to ameliorate the injustices faced by Native Americans, and in which she stated, "My heart and soul are in Ramona."
Works Referenced:
Evans, Rosemary. "Helen Hunt Jackson's Sympathetic Attitude Toward Indians was Reflected in Her Popular Ramona." Wild West 12.1 (1999): 18. MasterFILE Premier. EBSCO. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.
Born for Liberty, Chapter 3
The bulk of the third chapter focuses on the role of women and womanhood during the American Revolution. Evans looks at the rhetoric of the revolution, the politicization of women's daily routines, and the idea of Republican motherhood. She also mentions the choices faced by female slaves and Native American women during the period.
"The very language of the Revolution reinforced the view that political activities and aims were male." (47) Britain and Europe were portrayed as corrupt and evil, and these things were associated with femininity in the Revolution's rhetoric. This association of femininity with evil had already been a common theme in Evangelic preaching. There was a contradictory current of rhetoric however which portrayed the positive aspirations of freedom and virtue as feminine. (46-8)
Women's initial participation in the Revolution involved mob action, such as when women seized food form merchants whom they deemed by charging unfair prices. (46) However, women's daily routines were quickly politicized. Women, charged with procuring goods from the marketplace and with production of goods at home, were forced to choose whether or not to participate in boycotts. Evans portrays women as willing participants, and many signed public pledges in groups. And she suggests that such political action was a significant stage in the development of women's political consciousness (as well as evidence of women's already-existing political awareness and significance). "That some enacted their intentions in more public and formal ways through meetings and petitions demonstrates not only the reality of their political commitments but also a new level of self-perception as political actors." (48-50; quote on page 50)
Women assumed many duties traditionally the responsibility of their absent husbands, and bore the brunt of military occupations, which involved quartering British soldiers, rape, and the confiscation of provisions. Yet others played active roles in the military itself. Soldiers' families served as cooks and launders. They constituted "an essential auxilliary." A few women, such as Deborah Sampson, disguised themselves as men and served as soldiers. (51-3; quotes on 51)
The revolution "politicized women and the domestic arena in ways popular rhetoric could not encompass." (48) It thus forced the question of women's relationship to the state. Political equality with men does not seem to have been widely contemplated, even among women. What developed was the concept of Republican Motherhood, which assigned to women the duty of raising virtuous sons. This "solved a riddle that plagued the founders"--the riddle of how to maintain the virtue of the citizenry--as well as "directed women's newfound political consciousness back into the home." (57) One consequence of the conception of mothers as responsible for effectively educating their sons was the acceptance of the desirability of educating mothers themselves, and so this period saw the establishment of "female academies, the first institutional settings in which young women could receive serious academic training." (57-8; quote on 58)
Women slaves with children rarely ran away from their masters and their servitude before the Revolutionary War and after it. However, during the war the British offered American slaves freedom in exchange for joining their forces. It appears that during the disruptions that this entailed for American slaveholders women slaves ran away with their children. (52-3)
Native Americans had the option of allying with the British. This however hardly proved advantageous in the long. Native Americans were to experience a constant losing struggle over territory for the next century and more. (53)
"The very language of the Revolution reinforced the view that political activities and aims were male." (47) Britain and Europe were portrayed as corrupt and evil, and these things were associated with femininity in the Revolution's rhetoric. This association of femininity with evil had already been a common theme in Evangelic preaching. There was a contradictory current of rhetoric however which portrayed the positive aspirations of freedom and virtue as feminine. (46-8)
Women's initial participation in the Revolution involved mob action, such as when women seized food form merchants whom they deemed by charging unfair prices. (46) However, women's daily routines were quickly politicized. Women, charged with procuring goods from the marketplace and with production of goods at home, were forced to choose whether or not to participate in boycotts. Evans portrays women as willing participants, and many signed public pledges in groups. And she suggests that such political action was a significant stage in the development of women's political consciousness (as well as evidence of women's already-existing political awareness and significance). "That some enacted their intentions in more public and formal ways through meetings and petitions demonstrates not only the reality of their political commitments but also a new level of self-perception as political actors." (48-50; quote on page 50)
Women assumed many duties traditionally the responsibility of their absent husbands, and bore the brunt of military occupations, which involved quartering British soldiers, rape, and the confiscation of provisions. Yet others played active roles in the military itself. Soldiers' families served as cooks and launders. They constituted "an essential auxilliary." A few women, such as Deborah Sampson, disguised themselves as men and served as soldiers. (51-3; quotes on 51)
The revolution "politicized women and the domestic arena in ways popular rhetoric could not encompass." (48) It thus forced the question of women's relationship to the state. Political equality with men does not seem to have been widely contemplated, even among women. What developed was the concept of Republican Motherhood, which assigned to women the duty of raising virtuous sons. This "solved a riddle that plagued the founders"--the riddle of how to maintain the virtue of the citizenry--as well as "directed women's newfound political consciousness back into the home." (57) One consequence of the conception of mothers as responsible for effectively educating their sons was the acceptance of the desirability of educating mothers themselves, and so this period saw the establishment of "female academies, the first institutional settings in which young women could receive serious academic training." (57-8; quote on 58)
Women slaves with children rarely ran away from their masters and their servitude before the Revolutionary War and after it. However, during the war the British offered American slaves freedom in exchange for joining their forces. It appears that during the disruptions that this entailed for American slaveholders women slaves ran away with their children. (52-3)
Native Americans had the option of allying with the British. This however hardly proved advantageous in the long. Native Americans were to experience a constant losing struggle over territory for the next century and more. (53)
Tuesday, October 26, 2010
Symbols
I didn't vote in the last presidential election. In 2004 I voted for Ralph Nader. I'm registered as a socialist. I'm not a Democratic and voting for them makes me feel gross.
Yet Barack Obama's election had symbolic value that, I think, can be appreciated regardless of one's politics. The event, by definition, demonstrates that an African American can cobble together a majority of the votes in a presidential election. For someone whose head is as often in the nineteenth century as the twenty-first that fact almost defies comprehension. Every time I contemplate, even momentarily, the news footage of exuberant black women celebrating the election results, or the reality of an example for young black men and boys that demonstrates their potential, I get choked up.
Was it an example for young black women and girls? Something else happened in the last presidential election the symbolic value of which I believe I failed to appreciate. Yesterday morning I heard a clip of Hillary Clinton's concession speech. She said something like, "We may not have broken the glass ceiling, but we put about 18 million cracks in it." I started to recognize how momentous her race for the nomination actually was, it's significance I suppose drowned out by the significance of Obama's candidacy. The fact that an African American and a woman were the frontrunners for the nomination of a major American political party is a culmination of tectonic changes in American culture in just a couple generations. My own failure to recognize its significance is, I think, paradoxically, a kind of progress. I grew up in a household with a single mom who has held managerial positions since I was kid, and whose income represented all of the household income. Maybe 70 to 80 percent of my bosses and supervisors have been women. In fact, I currently work at a nursing agency so everybody I work with is a woman. And I'm by far on the lowest rung of the hierarchy. The fact is, I wouldn't know sexism existed if someone didn't point it out to me.
Hillary's achievement is further shadowed by the somewhat quizzical advent of Sara Palin. My thoughts turn more to class than gender when I think of Sara Palin, but perhaps again that's the point--the fact that she's a woman...it just doesn't feel relevant to me.
My perception is what it is. The various women bosses I've had have probably experienced sexism. Some of the older male patients use words like "honey" when they talk to the nurses. It's easy enough for me to chalk it up to an innocent residual reflex, but I'm not the one it's directed at.
Yet Barack Obama's election had symbolic value that, I think, can be appreciated regardless of one's politics. The event, by definition, demonstrates that an African American can cobble together a majority of the votes in a presidential election. For someone whose head is as often in the nineteenth century as the twenty-first that fact almost defies comprehension. Every time I contemplate, even momentarily, the news footage of exuberant black women celebrating the election results, or the reality of an example for young black men and boys that demonstrates their potential, I get choked up.
Was it an example for young black women and girls? Something else happened in the last presidential election the symbolic value of which I believe I failed to appreciate. Yesterday morning I heard a clip of Hillary Clinton's concession speech. She said something like, "We may not have broken the glass ceiling, but we put about 18 million cracks in it." I started to recognize how momentous her race for the nomination actually was, it's significance I suppose drowned out by the significance of Obama's candidacy. The fact that an African American and a woman were the frontrunners for the nomination of a major American political party is a culmination of tectonic changes in American culture in just a couple generations. My own failure to recognize its significance is, I think, paradoxically, a kind of progress. I grew up in a household with a single mom who has held managerial positions since I was kid, and whose income represented all of the household income. Maybe 70 to 80 percent of my bosses and supervisors have been women. In fact, I currently work at a nursing agency so everybody I work with is a woman. And I'm by far on the lowest rung of the hierarchy. The fact is, I wouldn't know sexism existed if someone didn't point it out to me.
Hillary's achievement is further shadowed by the somewhat quizzical advent of Sara Palin. My thoughts turn more to class than gender when I think of Sara Palin, but perhaps again that's the point--the fact that she's a woman...it just doesn't feel relevant to me.
My perception is what it is. The various women bosses I've had have probably experienced sexism. Some of the older male patients use words like "honey" when they talk to the nurses. It's easy enough for me to chalk it up to an innocent residual reflex, but I'm not the one it's directed at.
Primary Sources, Endnotes, Ellipses...
My research skills aren't very impressive. My emphasis for a long time has been on ascertaining as full and comprehensive an understanding of mainstream interpretations of historical events, persons, and periods as contained in books. I'd read a book, take fairly extensive notes, and write about what I'd read.
I found this by far the most effective means of mastering the material I'm interested in. But it has meant that I have not been developing research skills. Which explains why the Senda Berenson paper I wrote for class was a huge learning experience. Some things I learned:
Understand your sources. I went to the library, typed Senda Berenson into a database and printed the first ten or twelve articles. I read them, highlighted important information and wrote my paper. When I went to cite my sources I realized I couldn't figure out what half of them were. Several were apparently drawn from websites but I didn't have the URL for a proper citation. One of my sources was so poorly written--it cited a page number to book whose title it neglected to provide the reader--that I really should not have used it.
Use primary source material. I made a point to work as fast as I could because I knew getting bogged down in various details, or becoming frustrated with various aspects of the research, would easily facilitate procrastination. That's my excuse for why it didn't even occur to me to look for some primary source material.
Don't neglect the obvious. Senda Berenson was an instructor at Smith College in Amherst, Massachusetts. When I met with Professor Fischer to discuss ways of improving my paper she handed me some material she had printed off a digitized online archive of Senda Berenson's materials through the Smith College website. Never crossed my mind.
Some small things were also learned: the difference in format for a citation in an endnote versus a bibliography; when to use ellipses; when to use "ibid."
I still feel that I have huge gaps in my knowledge of history and that I need to be filling those in. And I feel that reading books and writing about what I've read is the most effective means by which to accomplish that. I do wish to develop research skills however. I feel like the paper on Senda Berenson, the first research paper I've written in years, marks the starting point in developing those skills. Hopefully in writing additional papers for the course I can reinforce the lessons learned.
I found this by far the most effective means of mastering the material I'm interested in. But it has meant that I have not been developing research skills. Which explains why the Senda Berenson paper I wrote for class was a huge learning experience. Some things I learned:
Understand your sources. I went to the library, typed Senda Berenson into a database and printed the first ten or twelve articles. I read them, highlighted important information and wrote my paper. When I went to cite my sources I realized I couldn't figure out what half of them were. Several were apparently drawn from websites but I didn't have the URL for a proper citation. One of my sources was so poorly written--it cited a page number to book whose title it neglected to provide the reader--that I really should not have used it.
Use primary source material. I made a point to work as fast as I could because I knew getting bogged down in various details, or becoming frustrated with various aspects of the research, would easily facilitate procrastination. That's my excuse for why it didn't even occur to me to look for some primary source material.
Don't neglect the obvious. Senda Berenson was an instructor at Smith College in Amherst, Massachusetts. When I met with Professor Fischer to discuss ways of improving my paper she handed me some material she had printed off a digitized online archive of Senda Berenson's materials through the Smith College website. Never crossed my mind.
Some small things were also learned: the difference in format for a citation in an endnote versus a bibliography; when to use ellipses; when to use "ibid."
I still feel that I have huge gaps in my knowledge of history and that I need to be filling those in. And I feel that reading books and writing about what I've read is the most effective means by which to accomplish that. I do wish to develop research skills however. I feel like the paper on Senda Berenson, the first research paper I've written in years, marks the starting point in developing those skills. Hopefully in writing additional papers for the course I can reinforce the lessons learned.
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